About
I am a fifth-year PhD candidate in Economics at the London School of Economics. I work in political economy, economic history, and public economics.
I study how wealth and political resources determine who holds power, how that affects policy, and which institutions open office to everyone.
I am on the 2026–2027 job market. My job market paper is “Did Enfranchisement Lead to Representation?”.
I hold an MASc in Data, Economics, and Development Policy from MIT and a BSc in Economics and Business from the University of Amsterdam. Before starting my PhD, I was a consultant at the World Bank Bureaucracy Lab, where I worked on impact evaluation.
Job Market Paper
@unpublished{praninskas2026enfranchisement,
author = {Praninskas, Gailius and Munroe, Ellen},
title = {Did Enfranchisement Lead to Representation?},
year = {2026},
note = {Job Market Paper}
}
Did enfranchisement make Parliament more representative of the population? If so, was it because politicians from poorer backgrounds were elected and advocated different policies, or because politicians of every background responded to what the new voters wanted? We study Britain’s democratisation, from a property franchise to universal suffrage, combining biographical records of Members of Parliament (MPs) with over 17 million probate (wealth-at-death) records to place politicians, their fathers and enfranchised voters in the same wealth distribution from 1858 to 1990. In the 1860s the typical MP’s father was 3,100 times as wealthy as the typical man; by the 1980s, 10 times. In parliamentary debates, MPs from poor families advocated for policies benefiting the poor, and spoke on issues poor voters cared about. We attribute at least one third of the change in MPs’ background wealth to the franchise — among MPs who entered Parliament at the same election, those who started their political careers under a wider franchise came from poorer families. The parties that fielded poorer candidates won more seats where more of the electorate was poor, and their gains after enfranchisement were largest in the constituencies with the most new poor voters. MPs already in office did not advocate more for the poor when their electors grew poorer; the change came from newly elected MPs from poor families. The costs of standing limited the effectiveness of early enfranchisement acts. The poor entered Parliament only once the unions and the Labour party paid for their candidacies. Enfranchisement helped Britain transition from plutocracy toward a common-interest state primarily by changing who sat in Parliament.
- 2026: Linnaeus Inequality Summit; KIZ Political Economy Workshop; HYRCE Liège; 2nd Warwick–LSE Political Economy PhD Conference; LSE SPEECH
- 2025: Royal Economic Society Annual Conference; Danish Historical Political Economy Workshop; 14th Annual Lithuanian Conference on Economic Research; Warwick–LSE Political Economy PhD Conference; Oxford University Political Economy Work in Progress; LSE Political Science Political Economy Work in Progress; LSE SPEECH
- 2024: LSE Workshop on Institutions and Political Economy; LSE SPEECH
Working Papers
Political Dynasties and Wealth
Does a political dynasty pass on inherited wealth or political capital? We separate the two for British MPs, using changes in bequest taxation and close elections among first-time candidates. Over time, the relative return to wealth has fallen, while the relative chance of fathering an MP by holding office has risen.
Privatising Common Property: Evidence from the Welsh Parliamentary Enclosures
Economists stress that well-defined private property rights matter for efficiency and development, yet little is known about what happens when common land is privatised. We study the Welsh Parliamentary Enclosures: 227 Acts of Parliament, 1760–1936, that put communally owned or managed land under a single owner. We digitise every Welsh enclosure and link them to parish censuses, grain prices and land-ownership records. Contrary to common historical accounts, enclosure did not reduce population or change farming occupations, and it was not associated with grain prices. Enclosed parishes ended up with significantly lower land values and less concentrated land ownership than unenclosed parishes. We argue that enclosure created many fragmented holdings, which led to hold-up and other contracting problems.
Work in Progress
Pecuniary Incentives and Political Agency
Do the wealthy enter politics because they can afford to, or because office pays them? The two motives have opposite implications for how competent and representative legislatures are, and for reforms to politicians' pay and the cost of standing. A Roy model of political entry identifies both from the returns to office among winning and losing candidates.
Wealth is Health? Life Expectancy and Public Goods
How did the link between family wealth and life expectancy change over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and what closed the gap? We link the universe of probate records to death records for England and Wales, 1858–1995. Longevity rose across the wealth distribution, most at the bottom and for women. Measured by the surname wealth of the previous generation, the gap between rich and poor families had closed by 1940, before antibiotics or the NHS. Individual causes of death for Ipswich, 1872–1910, show that tuberculosis, accidents and diarrhoea struck the poor far more than the rich. The 1870 Education Act did little to the gradient.
Other Publications
RCTs & Human Uplift Studies: Methodological Challenges and Practical Solutions for Frontier AI Evaluation
Human uplift studies, or studies that measure the effects of AI access on human performance via randomized controlled trials (RCTs) or similar methodologies, increasingly inform frontier AI governance and deployment decisions. While RCT methods are robust in other fields, their interaction with the distinctive properties of frontier AI systems remains underexamined, particularly when results are used to inform high-stakes decisions. We present findings from interviews with 16 expert practitioners with experience conducting human uplift studies in domains including biosecurity, cybersecurity, education, and labor. Across interviews, experts described a recurring tension between the standard causal inference assumptions upon which human uplift studies rely and the object of study itself. Rapidly evolving AI systems, shifting baselines, heterogeneous and changing user proficiency, and porous real-world settings strain assumptions underlying internal, external, and construct validity, complicating the interpretation and appropriate use of uplift evidence. We contribute (1) a synthesis of methodological challenges in human uplift studies, mapped to risks to study validity and classified by their degree of specificity to large language model (LLM) systems, and (2) a mapping from challenges to proposed solutions.
Teaching
London School of Economics
- EC307 Development Economics 2025–present
- EC2B5 Macroeconomics II 2026
- EC317 Labour Economics 2024–26
- EC260 Political Economy of Public Policy 2024–26
- FM250 Finance 2024–25
- EC101 Introductory Microeconomics 2024
- EC2C1 Econometrics II 2024
- EC400 Probability and Statistics 2023–24
- EC1A3 Microeconomics I 2023
University of Amsterdam
- Economics of Markets and Organizations 2019–20
- Principles of Economics II 2018–20
- Principles of Economics I 2017–19
- Quantitative Data Analysis 2018
Academic Service
- Co-founder, LSE Seminar for Political Economy and Economic History (SPEECH)2023–present
- Co-founder, Warwick–LSE Political Economy PhD Conference2024–present
- Referee, Economica2024–present
Awards and Fellowships
- LSE Class Teacher Award2026
- LSE Summer School Class Teacher Award2024
- ESRC DTP PhD Fellowship2022
Policy & Public Work
Governance of the Service Delivery Chain for Youth Mental Health in Lithuania